THE DEPARTMENT OF
AND SEXUALITY STUDIES
We are committed to creating an inclusive campus community that acknowledges the inherent dignity in every person.
Our faculty engages in research, pedagogy, and service with attention to social justice to contextualize and challenge sexism, transphobia, ableism, classism, and racial oppression. Our students learn through the development of critical and analytical skills, creative approaches to problem solving, and the ability to articulate productive socio-political alternatives.
NATIONAL WOMEN'S STUDIES ASSOCIATION STATEMENT ON LEAKED DRAFT OF THE SCOTUS DECISION TO OVERTURN ROE V. WADE
As transnational, Indigenous, and intersectional feminist scholars, we are compelled to speak out about the implications of the leaked draft of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn the landmark 1973 case of Roe v. Wade. If it does happen, this decision will reverse the last 50 years of precedent and give the state the ultimate authority to govern, police, and oversee our most personal decisions about our bodies. It will disproportionately impact economically challenged communities of color and marginalized groups who are already navigating through the existing health care obstacles. We unequivocally affirm that a person’s right to govern their body is a fundamental human right, which must be enshrined into the law, now more than ever. The reversal of Roe will impact all people’s ability to have reproductive choices.
According to the Guttmacher Institute, as of today, 23 states have laws that could be used to restrict the legal status of abortion immediately:
- Nine states retain their unenforced, pre-Roe abortion bans.
- Thirteen states have post-Roe laws to ban all or nearly all abortions that would be triggered if Roe were overturned.
- Nine states have unconstitutional post-Roe restrictions currently blocked by courts but could be brought back into effect with a court order in Roe’s absence.
- Seven states have laws that express the intent to restrict the right to legal abortion to the maximum extent permitted by the U.S. Supreme Court in the absence of Roe.
- Four states have passed a constitutional amendment explicitly declaring that their state constitution does not secure or protect the right to abortion or allow the use of public funds for abortion.
We are at a moment where we must fight. We must push back, and we must speak out. Elections have consequences. Protests and petitions hold weight. Our collective voices and stories are needed at this time. There is power and protection when we come together to stand against what is happening in the courts and what may happen to our colleagues in right-wing states across this country.
We urge all of our members to stand with, defend, and support our most vulnerable colleagues. We encourage everyone to seek out activist organizations and members planning protests, teach-ins, town halls, and vigils. Take this moment to reach out to your Congressperson, participate in voter registration drives, use your social media platform, and go from house to house, if need be, and alert everyone to what is happening so that we can show up at the polls in November and elect people into office who will have our best interests at the top of their to-do list. We also urge that we all hold space for some who are unable to move forward and actively participate at this time. Self-care is an act of revolution and resistance, and you are in community when you take the time to take care of yourself first.
Finally, NWSA has more than 2,000 active members, a 7,000-strong membership base, and 350 institutional members across the United States and worldwide, producing scholarship, writing op-eds, teaching students, and creating art, poetry, and music across many different disciplines, working independently, inside of the academy, and within the industry. Together, we have faced similar moments of difficulty and challenge, so we know how to fight and use our collective voice as a weapon and our time, talents, and treasures as a tool. This is the moment where we must do what we do so well—be active, be present, be loud, be vocal, be visible, and be brave.
National Women’s Studies Association
Officers and Board Members
Karsonya Wise Whitehead, Ph.D., NWSA President
Ariella Rotramel, Ph.D., NWSA Vice-President
Angela Clark-Taylor, Ph.D., NWSA Treasurer
Heidi Lewis, Ph.D., NWSA Secretary
Lisa D. Covington, M.A., Ph.D. Candidate
Qiana Cutts, Ph.D., Mississippi State University
Prathim-Maya Dora-Laskey, Ph.D., Alma College
Yi-Chun Tricia Lin 林怡君, Ph.D., Southern Connecticut State University
Stephanie Troutman Robbins Ph.D., Arizona State University
Gina Velasco, Ph.D., Gettysburg College
Erica L. Williams, Ph.D., Spelman College
The Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Penn State welcomes all people, regardless of gender, race, nationality, religion, or sexual orientation.
Our department is committed to creating an inclusive campus community that acknowledges the inherent dignity in every person. Our faculty engages in research, pedagogy and service with an attention to social justice to contexualize and challenge sexism, transphobia, ableism, classism, and racial oppression. Through our work, we aim to move the discourse away from mere tolerance, celebration or appreciation of difference to a deeper understanding and critique of discrimination, intolerance, and inequality in the historical and contemporary global society.
We are committed to working with others in our community on meaningful efforts to promote a department and a campus that validates and supports everyone, and we are dedicated to achieving equity and respect for every individual of our society, especially those who identify as LGBTQ, African American, Latinx or other marginalized identities.
The recent withdrawal of U.S. military forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent takeover by the Taliban has prompted extensive coverage of the “fate” of that nation’s women and girls, as though they have no role in determining their own futures. Unfortunately, the coverage follows the familiar, troubling narrative of Muslim women as passive victims in need of “protection” and “rescue” by the West. Moreover, this impetus to “rescue” is falsely labeled as “feminist,” a claim we have firmly rejected. Nearly twenty years ago, on November 17, 2001, Laura Bush delivered a radio address – one normally delivered every week by her husband, the President of the United States – to “kick off a worldwide effort to focus on the brutality against women and children by the Al Qaeda terrorist network and the regime it supports in Afghanistan, the Taliban.” She described the “horror” experienced by “civilized people throughout the world” at the plight of those women and girls and reminded listeners of their obligation to speak out. “The fight against terrorism,” she noted, “is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women.” All Americans were called on to therefore join her family “to ensure that dignity and opportunity will be secured for all the women and children of Afghanistan.” In one deft radio address, the former first lady deliberately invoked feminist rhetoric to evoke sympathy but ultimately to justify what would become decades of military intervention, and the devastating aftermath that war brings. The future of Afghan women and girls is once again in the news. What will become of their educational opportunities, their ability to work outside the home, to move freely, to be seen and heard in public? The brutal record of the Taliban is certainly reason for grave concern, but so is the idea that the liberation of women and girls must be tied to US military occupation. As feminist scholars and educators, we must think critically about the complexities – indeed, the messiness – that undergirds this historical moment. The call to simply “rescue” such women and girls is an echo of colonial discourses about Muslim women as passive victims of cultural oppression by Muslim men and not one informed by feminist ethics. Humanitarian aid must be forthcoming, but we must also question the systems of power and militarism that created this crisis in the first place. We must be wary of another calculated and false “feminist” call to “rescue” Afghan women that was used to justify 20 years of war. This is why intersectional feminist scholarship and teaching, and working in solidarity with other feminists, are so important. It is also why the work that we do within the Department of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies is so crucial. We cannot create a world free of violence and terror unless we are willing to confront and challenge all forms of social injustice, both at home and abroad. We will seek to work in solidarity with feminists in Afghanistan and broader efforts by Muslim feminists to simultaneously challenge the Taliban’s destructive policies in the name of Islam and to resist the reduction of Afghan women to voiceless victims used to justify militaristic solutions, by now so familiar in the media and politics after 20 years of war. There is still much work to be done, but in community, we will meet the need ahead of us.
Alicia C. Decker,